On the Saturday morning after the recent election, as
I delivered the newspaper to the residents of northwest Conway Township, I
listened to a program on National Public Radio—On the Media. The show’s overarching theme was the outcome of the
presidential vote, with much of the conversation dealing with the incorrect,
off-the-mark prediction by many pundits that Hillary Clinton would win the
election. It was among the many post-mortems being offered by one and all in
the days.
The polling,
while tightening in the final days, had given her around a three percent lead.
However, that was nationally. Of more importance were the battleground states,
including Michigan, where the race was close but where she still seemed (according
to the experts) to hold the advantage.
As it turned
out, when the pollsters use the phrase “within the margin of error,” there’s a
good reason. By slight margins, Trump took Florida, North Carolina, Ohio,
Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Michigan. Those wins, along with the rest of the
states he captured, gave him a comfortable total in the Electoral College.
The first three states were considered “toss ups,”
with Trump a bit ahead in Ohio. So the outcome was not necessarily a great
surprise. The same could not be said of the latter three states. All of them
had sided with the Democratic contender during the past several presidential
election cycles and the polling seemed to suggest that history would repeat
itself. Here the errors in prediction caused more hand wringing.
Clinton did win
the battleground states of Virginia, New Hampshire, and Nevada and has the
solace--for what it’s worth--of joining a select group of presidential candidates
who lost the presidency despite winning the popular vote—Andrew Jackson in
1824, Samuel Tilden in 1876, Grover Cleveland in 1888, and Al Gore in 2000. She
was, according to the latest reports, ahead by a million votes.
One of the
interviews that I found interesting, in fact enlightening, discussed voters’
perception of the economy. If you look at the different economic indicators,
the data would suggest that gradual improvements have occurred since the
collapse in 2008 that had brought on the Great Recession and much financial
pain and suffering. Yet a goodly number of people, many of them blue collar
workers residing in what’s called the Rust Belt, but a lot of other people as
well, held a pessimistic view of where things stood and where they were
heading.
One important
indicator is the unemployment rate. It currently stands at 4.9 percent, a
number that would seem to reflect a decent economy with most people gainfully
employed. The conventional wisdom would say that the Democrats, being in the
White House, would benefit from this good news.
Yet many of
those who had cast a ballot in favor of President Obama in the previous two
elections, or who traditionally had sided with the Democratic Party, switched
their vote to Trump. They agreed with his dire assessment of the situation; that
things were not going as well as they appeared and that they did not appear to
be getting much better.
What the
guest on the radio show said by way of explanation is that the unemployment
rate, as a metric, dates back to the Great Depression of the 1930s when people
either had a job or didn’t.
While that
differentiation still exists and while it continues to be an informative
measure, the number doesn’t inform us of how many people have become
discouraged and quit looking for work or how many are underemployed, having
taken lower-wage jobs after having been laid off from or downsized out of a high-paying
position.
Neither does the rate measure the insecurity, the
sense of lost opportunity, and the destruction of savings that are the legacy
of the severe economic downturn from a few years ago. Nor does it explain the
feeling many have that they are falling further behind and that mainly the
well-heeled or well-connected are reaping the profits and benefits. Nor does it
dispel the fear that personal calamity is only a factory closing or company
merger away.
Nor does
this seemingly good news that we have a low unemployment rate and rebounding
economy offset the doom-and-gloom peddled by media opportunists who gain from
dissatisfaction. Perception rather than facts now rule the day.
Finally, when
all is said and done, the rate is a measure of the whole and, thus, cannot take
into account the individual situation or how certain areas of the country are
faring compared to other regions.
THE RADIO INTERVIEW
THEN SHIFTED TO A DISCUSSION on another
economic indicator—the Gross National Product. The host, as a prelude, played a
clip from a speech given by the late Robert Kennedy in 1968. It had been a long
time since I’d heard his voice and even longer since I’d heard the speech. He gave
it on March 18 at the University of Kansas, not long after announcing his
candidacy for the presidency.
The words
conveyed all of the imagery that I remembered with much fondness. I was 16
going on 17 that spring. I found his vision of hope and possibility inspiring. His
view that government, used properly and judiciously, could be a means for
helping those less fortunate gain a foothold and move up the ladder and also
that government ought to serve as a protector for those facing discrimination
and even violent threat due to their race, ethnic origin, beliefs, or economic
condition is one I still embrace.
In his
campaign—and even before tossing his hat in the ring—Kennedy spoke of the gaps
that existed in our society between black and white, rich and poor, old and young, and those of opposing political viewpoints.
He based his candidacy on a wish to bridge them.
He found
common cause with the black sharecropper in Mississippi, the white coal miner
in West Virginia, the migrant farm worker in California, the Native American on
a western reservation, the auto worker in Michigan as well as the college
student, senior citizen, housewife, and business owner.
Many felt a bond of affection, a belief that he cared
for their situation and plight. He, of course, had plenty of detractors; even a
few who hated him. But what stands out to me is that he used his power and
prestige, his strength and talent, to champion the least among us. He
articulated a moral view of what we could and should do for each other.
In the part
of his speech played again this past Saturday, Kennedy, having stated that
erasing material poverty “is one of the great tasks of leadership for us, as
individuals and citizens,” shifted to what he said was another great task
before us—the need to “confront the poverty of satisfaction, of purpose and
dignity, that afflicts us all.”
And here he
offered what he felt was the true worth of a nation.
“…for too long
we seemed to have surrendered personal excellence and community values in the
mere accumulation of material things. Our Gross National Product, now, is over
$800 billion dollars a year, but that Gross National Product—if we judge the
United States of America by that—the Gross National Product counts air pollution
and cigarette advertising, and ambulances to clear our highways of carnage. It
counts special locks for our doors and the jails for the people who break them.
“It counts
the destruction of the redwood and the loss of our natural wonder in chaotic
sprawl. It counts napalm and counts nuclear warheads and armored cars for the
police to fight the riots in our cities. It counts (Charles) Whitman’s rifle
and (Richard) Speck’s knife, and the television programs which glorify violence
in order to sell toys to our children.
“Yet the Gross National Product does not allow for the
health of our children, the quality of their education or the joy of their
play. It does not include the beauty of our poetry or the strength of our
marriages, the intelligence of our public debate or the integrity of our public
officials. It measures neither our wit nor our courage, neither our wisdom nor
our learning, neither our compassion nor our devotion to our country. It
measures everything in short, except that which makes life worthwhile. And it
can tell us everything about American except why we are proud that we are
Americans.”
Hearing the
speech again, while the details have changed, his message and its implications
still resonate, are still relevant. The underlying challenge he presented on
that long ago day lives on, though he did not. Within three months, he’ll be
dead, felled by an assassin’s bullet. His end came moments after he’d addressed
his jubilant supporters in Los Angles, having just won the primaries in
California and South Dakota.
“And it’s on to Chicago!” he shouted, waving his hand as
he departed--Chicago being the site of the Democratic National Convention and
where he and his supporters hoped they’d win the nomination.
NEARLY A
HALF A CENTURY LATER, the nation
overall seems evenly divided in its political preferences. We, of course, have
the red states and blue states where either the Republicans or Democrats hold a
sufficient majority, but, even so, where a sizable number of the loyal
opposition resides. There are also the purple states that keep things
interesting; moving targets that shift back and forth or that are trending from
red to blue or from blue to red, but who (with this election) are of nearly
equal proportions.
In our winner-take-all
election process, to the victor belong the spoils. True, we have the checks and
balances of our three branches of government and a federal system, but the
reality is that at the State Capitol in Lansing and in Washington, D.C., the
Republican Party now controls or will control the levers of legislation,
administration, and judicial review.
There are two approaches to governance: One,
to be inclusive, the other to be exclusive. Given the make-up of the current electorate,
here in Michigan and in the country as a whole, with the two sides being nearly
equal in numbers, the former attitude would seem prudent. I suspect that the
instinct and inclination of the partisan warriors will be to pursue the latter
course.
But we’ll see which way it goes--Whether the
hammer of power will be used as a tool of demolition or of construction and
whether it will be utilized to build bridges that span the gaps that divide us
or to erect barriers that make the existing divisions even more formidable?
These paths loom before us. Choices we have
as a state, a nation, and as individuals. The path taken, or not taken, our
choice, will make all the difference in the world.
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