A student bringing a Bible or Koran or some other text sacred to them, or expressing opinions based on their beliefs (and citing that text to support their position) would seem an exercise in religious freedom as well as free speech. A teacher or administrator doing that in a public school—as a paid employee of government (i.e. the school district) causes a different consideration.
While the adult, like the student, is
entitled to his or her belief and right of free speech, doing so from a
position of governmental authority and power has been judged by the courts to
fall within the realm of an endorsement or sponsorship, thus a violation of the
First Amendment.
No everyone likes that judicial
interpretation, or the concept of a wall of separation, thus the ongoing debate.
The context of the speech or religious
display, of course, plays a part. Presumably, given the make-up of our society,
an educator espousing a Christian viewpoint, would be applauded by many people.
However, were that person championing another religion, for example, Buddhism
or Wiccan, a goodly number of those same folks would likely object.
Since an educator, in either case, possesses
the same right of expression, and since government is not supposed to create an
established religion by supporting one creed over other ones, the question
arises: Is it better to have a continuous turmoil over this issue, or have our
schools stick with teaching kids how to read, write, and calculate and leave
religious matters to the family and church?
Yet schools as well as other realms of
government are not islands unto themselves, but part of the larger society and
culture. And religion, in particular Christianity, is part of our society and
culture. Hence, we will likely continue having these debates; gray areas where
many people prefer (or only see) a white-and-black demarcation.
Two
of the Letter-to-the-Editor writers, Dr. Thomas Higby and Douglas
Helzerman, delved into the historical record on the issue of ‘Separation of
Church and State.’ They offered their interpretations based on that record,
with their viewpoints and conclusions being a bit different.
I enjoyed the exchange of letters: first,
because it offered information and detail that helped to better inform me, and
second, the tone was civil and thoughtful. I’m tired of the shouting heads who
try to dominate every discussion on public policy or social belief, and am
weary of those who think that insults and attacks on character are an adequate
substitute for logical reasoning.
Inspired by their effort, I did my own
research on the ‘Separation’ issue and have a better understanding of the
historical record cited by those who feel government is supposed to be neutral
on religious matters and by those who feel the country was founded on Christian
principles and that this Christianity ought to be allowed, without hindrance,
in our schools, in our other governmental institutions and activities, and
presumably in our laws.
Statements by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, along with George
Washington and Benjamin Franklin are part of the record. The religious
affiliations of all members of the Constitutional Convention, not just the
historical stars, are pointed. Rogers Williams and his founding of Providence
Plantation in what became Rhone Island is an important part of the history, as
is Article 11 in the Treaty of Tripoli,
signed in 1797 during the administration of John Adams and ratified by the United States Senate.
What I found quite interesting in my
research (because I was more familiar with it) are excerpts from a major speech
that presidential candidate John F.
Kennedy gave during the 1960 campaign to the Greater Houston Ministerial
Association, a Protestant organization, on the issue of his religion. At the
time, many Protestants questioned whether Kennedy's Roman Catholic faith would
allow him to make important national decisions as president independent of the
church; of whether
his allegiance would be to the United States or the Pope. Kennedy decided to go
into the lion’s den (so to speak) and address those concerns before a skeptical audience of
Protestant clergy.
The speech was among the highlights of the
campaign and, after he was assassinated, it became part of the Kennedy legend.
I
believe in an America where the separation of church and state is
absolute—where no Catholic prelate would tell the President (should he be
Catholic) how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners
for whom to vote—where no church or church school is granted any public funds
or political preference—and where no man is denied public office merely because
his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who
might elect him.
I believe
in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish—where
no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public policy
from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical
source—where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly
upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials—and where
religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated
as an act against all.
. . . I do
not speak for my church on public matters—and the church does not speak for me.
Whatever issue may come before me as President—on birth control, divorce,
censorship, gambling or any other subject—I will make my decision in accordance
with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the
national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or
dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide
otherwise. But if the time should ever come—and I do not concede any conflict
to be even remotely possible—when my office would require me to either violate
my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office;
and I hope any conscientious public servant would do the same.
Fifty-five years later, in the midst of
another presidential campaign, the issue of religious loyalty is once more
front and center, only now it involves Americans who take Islam as their faith
and who regard the Koran as their sacred book. Their allegiance to an authority
or law other than the United States and the Constitution is being questioned,
just as Kennedy’s was.
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